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Reparation of Sexual and Reproductive Violence in .NET Generate datamatrix 2d barcode in .NET Reparation of Sexual and Reproductive Violence




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Reparation of Sexual and Reproductive Violence generate, create data matrix barcode none for .net projects Scan GS1 BarCodes so many years after the fac Data Matrix for .NET t.69 Because of all of this, although the original recommendations for material provision demonstrated an acknowledgment of responsibility for SRV, actual survivors of SRV are likely to fare worse than other victims of human rights violations when and if implementation takes place.

70 The provision of material reparation and particularly monetary measures to survivors of SRV involves a series of tensions that merit further discussion. One concerns the way that money itself is perceived. In many societies, awarding money for material and especially moral damages seems to make sense because it is seen to represent something symbolic.

71 The perception of compensation as blood money, however, especially when it is provided in the absence of genuine recognition and contrition from the state, has been reported in a wide variety of countries including South Africa and Canada. Radically different socially and culturally ascribed meanings of money can be found in both the industrialized north and the developing south. Even within countries, such as Canada, where lump-sum payments are being extended to aboriginal survivors of the government-sanctioned Indian Residential Schools,72 a wide range of views about money and its meaning can be found among recipients.

In Canadian aboriginal communities, money is often viewed by aboriginal people as a collective or de facto public good. Large sums of money entering communities for example, inheritance payments or large gambling or lottery windfalls are frequently spent out quickly and conspicuously. Resentment and suspicion toward the federal government for the painful legacy of the.

69 70. 71 72. Ibid., 165. In Peru, the re cord on progress on reparations for victims in general, and survivors of SRV in particular, is mixed.

The national legal framework required for codifying reparations policy has been established and the institutions necessary for the implementation of this policy have also been set up. Despite these encouraging signs, the actual awarding of reparations has been slow and disappointing. The multiyear budget that had been set up under Alejandro Toledo s administration encountered multiple nancial, technical, and administrative dif culties, rendering it all but inoperative.

Alan Garc a s administration, which came into power at the beginning of 2007, appears to have revived the multiyear budget, although it is far from being fully implemented. The new government has announced that it will collectively compensate 440 communities through social investment projects that had been previously identi ed by communities. Duggan, Paz y Paz Bailey, and Guillerot, 39.

Ibid., 49. As part of its assimilation policy, during the 19th and 20th centuries, the Canadian state sanctioned the forcible removal of aboriginal children from their families so that they could be sent to any one of the 130 church-run industrial schools, boarding schools, and northern hostels for aboriginal children.

Many of these children suffered varying degrees of sexual violence and are being offered individual compensation under the 2006 Indian Residential Schools Settlement Agreement.. Colleen Duggan and Ruth Jacobson Residential Schools experie nce run deep. A recent study on the impact of individual lump-sum payments highlights not only how ulterior motives and negative consequences are suspected where government money is concerned, but, most importantly, survivors impression that the almighty dollar has broken down . .

. relationships and community-mindedness. 73 Though we have limited information about the experiences of survivors of SRV who have received monetary compensation under national programs for reparation, what we do know raises issues of concern.

The Indian Residential Schools lump-sum compensation study cited above documents both positive and negative experiences with compensation, but the balance it draws is not particularly positive.74 The Canadian experience is yet another one in which the experiences of women are relatively underemphasized and, by contrast, a curious focus is placed on men as victims of physical and sexual violence and other types of abuse and as recipients of compensation. In Peru, the debate around who is in and who is out of reparations programs is having a divisive effect on communities; it is not uncommon to hear accusations among victims of political manipulation with payments being arranged for in uential members of society.

75 In Guatemala, survivors of SRV have reported being pressured by family members to go public with their stories of victimization in order to appear on the registry of victims eligible for reparation. Similarly, some women who have found the courage to claim compensation through the national program are being accused by members of their community of willingly giving sex to the enemy for money.76 Another major issue is whether the compensation money is actually used for the economic and psychological bene t of the survivors of SRV.

There are few studies that have examined how reparations are spent,77 but one conducted in South Africa found that single payments given to victims were quickly used up, often to pay off debts that the family may have quickly re-incurred. 75 76. Madeleine Dion Stout and Ri ck Harp, Lump Sum Compensation Payments Research Project: The Circle Rechecks Itself (Ottawa: Aboriginal Healing Foundation, 2007), v. See ibid. In fact, this study was commissioned because of past experiences in Canadian First Nation communities with massive and sudden in uxes of money into aboriginal communities.

Through the 2006 Indian Residential Schools Settlement Agreement, approximately 86,000 survivors stand to receive on average $28,000, with additional payments to those who have suffered sexual violence. Duggan, Paz y Paz Bailey, and Guillerot, 49. Duggan, Paz y Paz Bailey, and Guillerot, 49 50, citing interview with ECAP Guatemala staff, May 8, 2007.

Oupa Makhalemele, Still Not Talking: Government s Exclusive Reparations Policy and the Impact of the 30,000 Financial Reparations on Survivors, Centre for the Study of Violence and Reconciliation Research Report, Johannesburg, 2004; in Stout and Harp s study on Canadian First Nations, Metis and Inuit populations are notable exceptions..
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