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Triumph Forsaken using none topaint none in asp.net web,windows application ISO/IEC Barcode Specifications force them into ba none none ttle. In early April, the South Vietnamese armed forces did score a few substantial victories, in large measure due to timely air support and the competence of the elite general reserve battalions, but the deterioration of the war effort continued. Most observers on both sides viewed April 1965 as a new low point for the South Vietnamese government.

Looking back on the period from the Diem coup in November 1963 to the end of April 1965, Westmoreland commented, Government effectiveness steadily declined throughout this entire period. South Vietnamese civil servants became dispirited and inactive in the face of the continued political instability. Institutions of government formed during the regime of President Diem progressively deteriorated and in some instances, particularly elements of the intelligence and police forces, disappeared altogether.

Because of the weak leadership of the armed forces, he observed, the overall effectiveness of these forces decreased markedly. 68 Although Tri Quang and his subordinate leaders at the Buddhist Institute expressed approval of the new Quat government and abstained from creating disturbances, they did not resist the temptation to engage in other forms of mischief. The Yale-educated monk Quang Lien and several additional Buddhist Institute gures openly espoused a peace plan that entailed the withdrawal of all foreign forces from Vietnam.

Other high of cials of the Buddhist Institute, Tri Quang among them, told the Americans that they disagreed with Quang Lien, but in front of different audiences these individuals endorsed the peace plan. In an interview with the Hong Kong Standard, Tri Quang said that Hanoi and Washington should start immediate talks to negotiate a peace.69 With negotiations widely expected to produce nothing better than a frail neutralist regime that enjoyed no U.

S. protection, the Americans became very nervous upon hearing such talk, and therefore they asked Tri Quang about the interview. Tri Quang then claimed that he did not really mean the United States should negotiate immediately.

70 In May, Tri Quang displayed anti-American and anti-Catholic sentiments so virulent and unreal in nature that they could only have come from the mind of either a maniac or a subversive or both. In one letter to the Americans, he warned that they would lose the war unless they stopped favoring Vietnamese Catholics over Vietnamese Buddhists because the Vietnamese people thought that the United States was using Catholics to exterminate Buddhists. 71 While Quat was proving surprisingly erce in suppressing new groups that were demanding peace and neutralism, he did not crack down on anyone in the Buddhist Institute for making such demands.

72 The frailty of the Quat government and the progressive corrosion of the military situation generated new sentiment among certain Americans for intensifying Rolling Thunder. On March 8, Ambassador Taylor urged Washington to move the strikes northward more quickly than was planned in order to make a greater impression on the North Vietnamese.73 The Joint Chiefs favored.

The Prize for Victory: January May 1965 immediate and shar none none p increases in the pace and scope of the bombing, with high priority given to the railroads and highways between North Vietnam and China and to the Soviet surface-to-air missiles and aircraft that were arriving in North Vietnam.74 Most emphatically, CIA Director McCone told the President, We must hit them harder, more frequently, and in ict greater damage. Instead of avoiding the MiGs, we must go in and take them out.

A bridge here and there will not do the job. We must strike their air elds, their petroleum resources, their power stations, and their military compounds. By avoiding such targets, McCone argued, we signal to the Communists that our determination to win is signi cantly modi ed by our fear of widening the war.

In the absence of intensi ed bombing, North Vietnamese in ltration would continue at a high rate, with the result that we can expect requirements for an ever-increasing commitment of U.S. personnel, and we will nd ourselves mired down in combat in the jungle in a military effort that we cannot win, and from which we will have extreme dif culty in extracting ourselves.

75 President Johnson himself, in scant time, became frustrated with the failure of Rolling Thunder to alter the situation in South Vietnam. The bombing program had been his most serious hope of averting defeat without American intervention in the ground war, although he had never had great con dence in it and had viewed it primarily as a means of quickening the gallop of the South Vietnamese government. Johnson rejected all of the recommendations to bomb the North more heavily because of his belief that air power could in ict little real damage and his civilian advisers warnings that heavy bombing could lead to war with China or the Soviet Union.

He was out of good options, he believed, and time was running out. Discussing Vietnam at the dinner table one evening, he thundered, I can t get out. I can t nish it with what I have got.

And I don t know what the hell to do! 76 Turning to hope of the most desperate variety, Johnson frantically rummaged around for new devices that would achieve a miraculous turnaround without U.S. ground forces and without action outside of South Vietnam.

We played the rst half of the game, and the score is now twenty-one to zero against us, he told the Joint Chiefs on one occasion. Now I want you to tell me how to win. Looking at General Wheeler, the President huffed, You re graduates of the Military Academy and you should be able to give me an answer.

I want you to . . .

tell me how we are going to kill more Viet Cong. 77 In a telephone conversation with Secretary of Defense McNamara, exposing the full extent of his ignorance of military affairs, Johnson said, I don t guess there s any way, Bob, that through your small planes or helicopters . .

. you could spot these people and then radio back and let the planes come in and bomb the hell out of them. McNamara did not inform the President that the Americans and South Vietnamese had been using such methods for years, but instead replied, This is what we are trying to do, but it s very dif cult when they re under the trees.

78.
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